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Will Kerala and West Bengal Vote for the Left Again?

Kerala and West Bengal occupy a unique place in world political history. They were the first regions anywhere to bring Communist governments to power through the ballot in a functioning democracy. This achievement was celebrated internationally by admirers of Marxism as proof that socialist transformation could be achieved not only through revolution but also through peaceful, constitutional means. For millions of the poor and marginalised, these victories symbolised the possibility of a just social order built on equality and collective welfare.

Today, however, that legacy stands at a crossroads. The uninterrupted 34-year rule of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in West Bengal is now a closed chapter, while in Kerala the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front faces a formidable challenge in the forthcoming Assembly elections. For supporters of socialism, this moment calls for serious introspection. Why did Marxist parties, despite long tenures in power, fail to embed their ideology deeply and durably in the consciousness of democratic India?

This question becomes even more pressing in the present political climate. Under the BJP–RSS ecosystem, crony capitalism has intensified unemployment, inflation, corruption and inequality, while caste and communal polarisation have deepened. If ever there was a social and economic context ripe for a socialist resurgence, it is now. Yet the Left has been unable to mobilise mass support on a scale commensurate with this crisis. If socialism could not inspire the majority under such conditions, when would it?

The puzzle is sharpened further by developments abroad. The recent victory of the young Zohran Mamdani in a major centre of global capitalism, and his open identification as a democratic socialist, has stirred debate among India’s Left-leaning intellectuals. Why has a country long regarded as fertile soil for socialist ideas failed to produce a similar revival?

Kerala and West Bengal were pioneers in bringing Communist governments to power through democratic elections, inspiring global hopes that socialism could advance peacefully. Yet the long rule of the Left, especially the 34 years in West Bengal, failed to root Marxist ideology deeply in Indian society, and the Left now faces decline and tough electoral challenges. Despite rising inequality, unemployment and communal polarisation under the BJP–RSS, socialism has not mobilised mass support.

Friday Fuss

By Pradeep Mathur

The article argues that Indian politics is driven more by personality and faith in leaders than by ideology, reflecting cultural and religious traditions. Marxist thinkers like Lenin and Gramsci believed India was fertile ground for socialism, but the Left misread social realities and neglected cultural hegemony. To regain relevance, it must rethink its approach and win the battle of ideas, not just elections.

Globally, the question acquires urgency in the context of the disruptive policies of U.S. President Donald Trump. His aggressive economic nationalism, coupled with the readiness to deploy military power, has unsettled Europe, the RIC countries and much of the developing world. Many fear that such politics could recreate conditions resembling those that preceded the great catastrophes of the twentieth century. Across continents, reflective minds are asking whether electoral democracy, based on adult franchise alone, can be so easily captured by reactionary and authoritarian forces, and whether it is sufficient to realise a truly just and equitable social order.

This largely academic debate gains added poignancy at a time when the anniversaries of two towering Marxist thinkers—Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci—are commemorated. Lenin, the architect of the Bolshevik Revolution, demonstrated how a determined vanguard could overthrow an oppressive regime. Gramsci, the Italian philosopher who suffered imprisonment under Mussolini’s fascism, offered a different but equally profound insight. In his Prison Notebooks, he argued that lasting political power rests not merely on control of the state but on cultural and ideological “hegemony”—the ability to shape common sense, beliefs and values.

Both thinkers believed that a vast, colonially exploited society like India provided fertile ground for socialism. Many leaders of India’s freedom movement shared this conviction and worked tirelessly to translate Marxist ideals into the language of anti-imperialism and social justice. The electoral successes of the Communist parties in Kerala and West Bengal seemed to confirm this hope.

Yet a crucial misreading lay at the heart of that optimism. The vote for Communist parties was interpreted as an endorsement of Marxist ideology, whereas in reality it was often a mandate for specific leaders and their personal credibility. In India’s deeply religious and culturally rooted society, shaped by centuries of the Bhakti tradition, leaders are frequently invested with near-sacred authority. Followers become devotees, rarely questioning their chosen figure, and loyalty often extends even to the leader’s heirs. Politics, in this sense, retains strong feudal and cultural undercurrents.

Such personality-centric politics inevitably shifts attention away from ideology and policy. Election campaigns revolve around charismatic individuals rather than programmes or principles. Party workers take their cues from leaders, not from doctrine, and voters evaluate faces more than ideas. In this environment, it is hardly surprising that the Left’s long rule in West Bengal did not translate into deep ideological commitment among the masses. When leadership faltered or new figures emerged, the support base shifted, leaving Marxism without a firm cultural anchor.

This pattern is not confined to the Left. It also explains how the present ruling dispensation continues to command popular backing despite policies widely viewed as anti-worker and anti-farmer. Through emotive appeals, identity mobilisation and carefully crafted narratives, attention is diverted from economic realities to symbolic issues. Ideology is replaced by sentiment, and critical evaluation gives way to faith.

The deeper tragedy is that many Left leaders and intellectuals failed to adequately understand the sociology of India’s caste-stratified, multi-religious and culturally diverse society. Often rooted in urban, upper-class milieus and influenced by abstract versions of Marxism or Fabian socialism, they applied theoretical frameworks without sufficiently adapting them to Indian realities. Gramsci’s insight about cultural hegemony—about the need to engage with popular beliefs, traditions and moral worlds—was never fully internalised.

If the Left and progressive forces are to regain relevance in an India increasingly marked by authoritarian tendencies and communal polarisation, they must undertake a profound rethinking. This involves not only organisational renewal but also an intellectual and cultural reorientation. Socialism cannot remain a doctrine confined to party documents and seminar halls; it must speak to everyday experience, local identities and moral aspirations.

In a world witnessing the rise of neo-fascist currents and the erosion of democratic norms, the challenge is not merely to win elections but to win hearts and minds. The real battle, as Gramsci reminded us, is the battle of ideas. Without securing that terrain, no electoral victory—whether in Kerala, West Bengal or elsewhere—can ensure the lasting presence of the Left in India’s political future. ( Veteran journalist and media Guru , Prof Pradeep Mathur is Editor-in-chief of Mediamap news network and Chairman of MBKM Foundation, a not-for-profit organisation for voluntary social work)

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समृद्धि को रद्दी में फेंकती अर्थव्यवस्था: गाड़ियों की अनिवार्य स्क्रैपिंग नीति पर पुनर्विचार की ज़रूरत

22 Aug 2025

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Will Kerala and West Bengal Vote for the Left Again?