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Today’s Edition
New Delhi, 30 April 2024

Amod K Kanth

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As India hurtles through the second of its seven-phase election for the 18th election to Lok Sabha, termed the "biggest election in the world by the New York Times" there is an explosion of information for the voter.

Thanks to RTI, the internet and a plethora of info available on social media like WhatsApp not many are aware of how to sort the real from the fake.



Article at a Glance

 

The Association for Democracy (ADR) report on the first two phases of India's 2024 Lok Sabha elections reveals that 19% of candidates with criminal records won 44% of seats, while 81% without criminal records won 54% of seats.

The report highlights that 501 of the 2,810 candidates had criminal cases against them, a figure similar to the 2019 elections. Election watchdogs and the Amicus Curiae of the Supreme Court, Vijay Hansaria, have suggested setting up a model website to upload real-time information on criminal cases against MPs and MLAs.

A retired police officer, with 34 years of experience, suggests scrutinizing the types of cases against aspiring politicians, focusing on offenses like corruption and physical violence. He emphasizes that FIRs and counter-FIRs are common during election rivalry, and results of charge sheets should be clear before making judgments.



True, there are fact-checks available on various sites including the PIB website but the common man still does not know how to check these claims and counter-claims.

However, there are some sources whose credibility is beyond any reasonable doubt.

One of them is the ADR (Association for Democracy) which reports on the major issues of concern for the electorate with facts and figures.

Its report on the first two phases of the elections in 2024 is not very flattering.

Having done a quick check of the figures available this report tells us that of the total 2,810 candidates in Phase 1 and 2 of the elections 501 had criminal cases against them.

Not surprisingly, the ratio of candidates with criminal cases against them remains almost the same as in the 2019 election where of the 7,928 candidates 1,500 (19%) had criminal records against them pending in various courts.

What is of critical relevance for the electorate is that of the 514 elected MPs in 2019 225 (44%) of them had criminal records.

In practical terms, it means that 19% of candidates with criminal records occupy a much higher success rate (44% of seats) while 81% who did not have criminal records won only 54% of seats.

This has also been highlighted by the Amicus Curiae of the Supreme Court Vijay Hansaria who has been maintaining these records for a long. This is his 20th report filed on April 20, 2024.

His report collected from the Registrar Generals of High Courts in the country says that 4,472 criminal cases were pending against the lawmakers as of January,1,2024.

He has suggested that since details of cases in Special Courts designated for MPs and MLAs were not accessible on any website there was a need for setting up a model website on the Patten of National Judicial Data Grid to upload real-time information.

So far so good and no one can quarrel with that.

But having seen the picture from the other side, being a police officer for 34 years I have some suggestions.

1. There is a need for a methodology to scrutinise the types of cases that are being cited against aspiring politicians.

2. While I don't want to defend any kind of crime cases of moral turpitude like corruption, physical violence, sexual assaults and such offences should be the primary concern of the electorate when they choose their representatives.

3. Anyone can file an FIR in India but that is only the first stage of any police investigation. And there could be counter FIRs too.

4. With my long experience both as a police officer and social activist I suggest that cases against important persons in public life should be taken with a pinch of salt because lodging an FIR and counter FIR is quite common during election rivalry. Unless the charge sheets are investigated and the results are clear nothing matters.

5. In the Indian system politicians lead crowds, and public persons could also be leading public gatherings, dharmas and even gheraos for various issues. It is part of the Indian democratic system.

6. I would like to end this write-up by saying that I would not like to comment on generalisations like this without going into the details of the cases we are discussing.

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