5

May

Caste Census and Scarcity of Jobs: A Crisis Brewing Since 1947

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A person wearing glasses and a suit AI-generated content may be incorrect.As India inches closer to the Bihar Assembly election, the issue of caste has returned to the national discourse with renewed force—this time through the lens of a caste-based census. This marks a striking turn in the journey of a republic that once aspired to build a casteless, egalitarian society.

When India gained Independence in 1947, leaders like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and C. Rajagopalachari envisioned a society free from caste divisions. Ambedkar, though a Dalit himself, was deeply opposed to the perpetuation of caste-based reservations. He reluctantly agreed to a 10-year quota for Scheduled Castes (SCs) in public sector jobs and education—meant as a temporary measure for upliftment, not a permanent policy.

Yet, that decade-long exception has evolved into a near-permanent structure, one that increasingly shapes electoral calculations, governance strategies, and public policy. The latest decision by the Central government to allow a caste-based census—the first since 1931—is as much a response to political pressures as it is an acknowledgement of a deeper socioeconomic crisis: the chronic shortage of jobs.

India’s economic planning since the First Five-Year Plan brought about industrialisation, but failed to provide enough employment for the rapidly growing youth population. Today, the jobless rate fluctuates between 6 to 9 percent, with the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) estimating it at 7.9% in February 2025—translating to nearly 45 million unemployed Indians.

The return to caste discourse, then, is not merely a social issue but an economic one. With fewer jobs, communities seek security through greater representation—driven by numbers, and ultimately, by caste. Even parties and leaders who once opposed such categorisation are now conceding to it.

Column at a Glance
As India approaches its next general election, the debate over caste has intensified, particularly regarding a proposed caste-based census—the first since 1931. This shift reflects a departure from the nation’s original aspiration for a casteless society, as envisioned by leaders like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi.
Monday Matters
By Shivaji Sarkar
Initially intended as a temporary measure, caste-based reservations have become entrenched in public policy, influenced by rising unemployment rates, which currently hover around 7.9%. Political parties, including the BJP and Congress, are now reconsidering their stances on caste representation due to electoral pressures. While some states have conducted caste censuses, the lack of comprehensive national data complicates the situation. The article warns that without addressing the underlying employment crisis, the caste census could exacerbate social tensions, necessitating urgent political action to create job opportunities and prevent unrest.

The Congress, once spearheading efforts to erase caste identities—even encouraging schools in Uttar Pradesh to drop caste-related names—now faces criticism for not initiating a caste census earlier. Leaders across ideologies once imagined a casteless society. Deendayal Upadhyaya, the ideological father of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), envisioned “Integral Humanism,” a philosophy that rejected both caste and class hierarchies. The BJP, until recently, opposed caste census, with leaders like UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath taking a firm stand against it. Yet, political compulsion saw the party join hands with JD(U)'s Nitish Kumar, whose alliance with RJD led to Bihar’s first caste census.

Even socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia—often cited by today’s pro-census advocates—opposed caste as a divisive and regressive structure. He called for "horizontal solidarity" among oppressed groups and warned against the pitfalls of caste-based politics, despite advocating for backward classes.

This transformation in political attitudes can be traced back to the 1967 elections. With rising political awareness, emerging OBC (Other Backward Classes) communities—led by figures like Chaudhary Charan Singh—demanded greater representation. Singh's mobilization of middle peasant castes laid the groundwork for the Mandal Commission recommendations in the late 1980s, further institutionalizing caste-based quotas.

Now, caste is asserting itself even in states traditionally seen as progressive, such as West Bengal and Kerala. Intriguingly, caste identities are resurfacing even within religious communities like Muslims and Christians, where caste divisions are not doctrinal but have nonetheless taken root socially.

Several states—Bihar, Karnataka, and Telangana—have already conducted caste censuses. Telangana’s recent survey shows a lower OBC population (46.25%) than previously believed (52%), while SC and ST numbers have increased. Still, there’s no comprehensive national data on caste demographics, partly due to the postponed 2021 Census. Rahul Gandhi has demanded clarity on when the national caste census will take place, though the next scheduled census is due only in 2031.

However, caste data alone will not solve the employment crisis. In many government institutions, candidates from reserved categories are routinely rejected under the label “Not Found Suitable” (NFS). With the decline of public sector recruitment, stagnation in private investment, and the casualisation of military service through short-term contracts like Agniveer, job opportunities are shrinking.

A report titled India's Graduate Skill Index 2025 by Mercer-Mettl highlights a grim reality—only 42.6% of Indian graduates are considered employable. The rest face a combination of poor training, lack of industry exposure, and skill mismatches. Automation and AI are compounding the problem by displacing jobs in traditional sectors, without commensurate investment in re-skilling.

Rural unemployment is rising, especially among women in states like Telangana and Kerala. Goa reports over 11% rural unemployment. The economic landscape remains fragile, and social tensions are brewing.

If post-census expectations of caste-based job allocations are unmet, unrest may follow. The situation demands urgent and unified political action—transcending party lines. Reviving institutions like the Planning Commission to create mass employment schemes may be necessary. The job crisis is not a partisan problem; it affects every Indian household.

Ultimately, people want tangible results, not blame games. The caste census could become a political powder keg if not handled with foresight and sincerity. The country faces a defining challenge: to ensure that rising caste consciousness does not mask the deeper issue—a lack of jobs.

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