Was the infamous Bofors conspiracy, which severely damaged Rajiv Gandhi's political career, began not in Sweden but most probably in the office of a New Delhi newspaper ?.Perhaps it was there in an exclusive chamber that a plan was conceived to discredit the young Prime Minister. A senior media person was sent to Sweden to extract evidence from the Bofors office that could implicate Rajiv Gandhi.
However, that media person returned with a different story. He confirmed that while commissions were indeed a norm in international arms deals, there was no indication that Rajiv Gandhi had personally accepted or directed any bribes. Disappointed by this outcome, the conspirators excluded him from their future schemes.
In this orchestrated campaign, Amitabh Bachchan was also targeted—primarily for two reasons. First, the growing influence of Vishwanath Pratap Singh in Allahabad; second, Bachchan's immense popularity, which bolstered Rajiv Gandhi’s image. Weakening this alliance became essential to politically isolate Rajiv Gandhi.
Rajiv Gandhi's rise to power was meteoric. Catapulted into the role of Prime Minister after Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984, he received unprecedented public support and secured a landslide electoral victory. Yet, by 1987, only three years later, the tide had turned. The political assassination of Rajiv Gandhi had begun long before his physical assassination in 1991.
Much of the Congress Party’s success in 1984 was driven by a nationwide wave of sympathy after Indira Gandhi’s death. Rajiv, initially disinterested in politics, entered public life following the untimely demise of his brother, Sanjay Gandhi. Inexperience and political naiveté marked the early years of his leadership, but they also made him a vessel of hope for many.
What remains puzzling is how someone who was once hailed as "Mr. Clean" became the target of such vehement criticism so quickly. Perhaps the answer lies in the unfulfilled expectations of those who saw him as a tool to promote their own agendas.
After years of socialist rule under Indira Gandhi, India’s capitalist class saw in Rajiv Gandhi a fresh, Western-educated face who could steer economic reforms in their favor. He opened the doors to the information revolution, initiated early conversations around liberalization, and projected a clean and modern image. Yet, this honeymoon phase ended abruptly.
Criticism against Rajiv Gandhi did not begin with Bofors. That scandal, however, gave his opponents a perfect opportunity to deepen public distrust. It wasn't just the opposition that turned against him. Insiders within his own government, like Vishwanath Pratap Singh and Arun Nehru, also plotted his downfall. Singh, whom Rajiv appointed as Finance Minister, began cracking down on industrialists for tax evasion. This alarmed corporate circles and created a rift within the administration.
Fuelled by whispers from disgruntled elements in the government and civil services, right-wing forces began a coordinated smear campaign. Baseless claims were made—such as Rajiv secretly converting to Christianity and being renamed "Robert Gandhi." His wife, Sonia Gandhi, too, became a target of relentless character assassination.
Arun Nehru, allegedly linked to both Hindutva forces and corporate entities, played a central role in the internal sabotage. He and Singh, along with bureaucrats like Gopi Arora, conspired to undermine Rajiv from within. In hindsight, appointing Singh to a key cabinet post proved to be one of Rajiv’s gravest miscalculations.
Rajiv Gandhi, despite his elite background and foreign education, had a sensitive side. He genuinely sought to understand the hardships faced by ordinary Indians. Advised by aides like Mani Shankar Aiyar, he toured backward and underdeveloped regions, which deeply impacted him. But inexperience led him to commit two major strategic errors: deploying Indian troops to Sri Lanka to counter Tamil rebels, and making an ill-advised statement in Parliament during the Bofors debate. Though he denied taking bribes—a statement that was true—it gave ammunition to his opponents, making him appear defensive and suspect.
His close friendship with Amitabh Bachchan also became a liability. Bachchan, seen as a powerful ally, was dragged into the Bofors scandal to further tarnish Rajiv’s image. Decades later, it was officially confirmed that Bachchan had no involvement in the case—long after the damage had been done.
The 1989 general election ended in defeat for the Congress, and VP Singh briefly took over as Prime Minister. However, instability followed, and after three short-lived governments, Congress was poised to return to power in 1991. But before that could happen, Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated on May 21st during a campaign rally in Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu.
By this time, Rajiv had not only alienated domestic interest groups but had also become a concern for international powers. At a South American conference, a resolution supporting the right of developing countries to default on IMF and World Bank debts sent shockwaves through Western financial institutions. Rajiv's growing alignment with this thinking likely positioned him as a threat to U.S. strategic and economic interests.
On the day of his final campaign trip, Congress Secretary Anil Shastri wished him well at the Delhi airport, saying, “We are going to win.” Rajiv’s reply was ominous: “Yes, if the Americans let us work.” Shastri later confessed he was stunned by the remark. The implications of Rajiv’s awareness—or suspicion—of deeper geopolitical tensions remain open to interpretation.
At home, Rajiv faced resistance from within his own party. Leaders like VP Singh, Tariq Anwar, and R. Venkataraman were quietly working against him. Others—like Arjun Singh, Sharad Pawar, and Narasimha Rao—were noncommittal. President Giani Zail Singh, once subservient to his mother Indira Gandhi, turned hostile toward Rajiv, fearing that a younger leadership was about to sideline him. Zail Singh even contemplated dismissing Rajiv's government, but was stopped by a group of principled opposition leaders who warned that such a move would trigger an impeachment campaign.
The internal betrayal extended to the bureaucracy. Some of Rajiv’s own trusted officers were reportedly leaking information to his rivals. Isolated and surrounded by intrigue, Rajiv Gandhi most likely never knew the full extent of the conspiracy against him.
His political life remains filled with unanswered questions and half-revealed truths. It is imperative that these pages be fully opened, and history revisited, to understand the complexities of Rajiv Gandhi’s rise, fall, and assassination—not just as isolated events, but as part of a deeper political narrative.
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(The author: A veteran journalist and Media Guru, Prof Pradeep Mathur is Editor-in-Chief with Media Map News Network)
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